Many other volunteers choose to remain anonymous. He helps to organise monitoring of extremist slogans and banners, including swastikas, at matches. The volunteer organisation seeks to change the club’s fan culture through better education and self-policing, and Ustian believes it has helped reduce racist behaviour at matches. The ban was “the point of no return” for Robert Ustian, a 34-year-old political analyst and CSKA fan, who founded a group called CSKA Fans Against Racism. And CSKA Moscow were forced to play two games in an empty stadium after hooligans set off flares and unfurled racist banners during a Champions League fixture against Roma in 2014. Ultras in St Petersburg in 2012 released a manifesto demanding their team refuse to sign non-white and gay players. Several black players, including Emmanuel Frimpong and Christopher Samba, were punished by the Russian Football Union after reacting to racist slurs hurled by fans. The following years saw a number of ugly incidents. His concern was for the fans not to turn against him.” He gave in to some of the xenophobic demands of the fans.
“It was one of the showcase events where everyone saw the numbers, the power the fans have, and the prevalence of the far-right ideology among the fans,” said Pavel Klymenko, who helps monitor instances of fan discrimination for the Football Against Racism in Europe (Fare) network.
Vladimir Putin laid flowers at Sviridov’s grave later that month in what was interpreted as a sign of deference to nationalists. Within days, thousands of football hooligans and far-right groups were rioting on Manezh square, beside the Kremlin, in nationalist-tinged protests that took nearly everyone by surprise. The release of the suspected killer, Aslan Cherkesov, angered nationalists. The government says it has made advances in anti-racism monitoring at matches data from independent organisations appears to support that conclusion.But with monkey chants heard at three matches since March, the spotlight will remain on the hooligan culture, largely modelled on English fans, that has grown around post-Soviet football.Ī critical moment in that history came just four days after Russia was awarded the World Cup in 2010, when a Spartak Moscow fan named Egor Sviridov was killed by a rubber bullet during a brawl that pitted young, ethnically Russian football fans against youths from the country’s North Caucasus. Russian officials, as well as some players and journalists, insist that while the country has a problem with rightwing fans, the situation has been blown out of proportion by the press and is no worse than elsewhere in eastern Europe. But even then, long before Salisbury, the war in Ukraine, laws against “gay propaganda” and hooligan violence in Marseilles, racist incidents in Russian football were a clear concern.įifa president Sepp Blatter and Putin during the handover ceremony for the 2018 World Cup. Dmitry Medvedev was president and the reset in relations initiated by President Obama was still on track, with the goal of repairing relations after the war in Georgia. Then, it still appeared set on wooing the international community by holding prestige tournaments. Russia’s aspirations have changed since it was awarded the World Cup back in 2010. “Fifa still has time to show that it is ready to use its leverage with the Russian government to fulfil its own human rights policies,” Hugh Williamson of Human Rights Watch, said in a statement. Last week Human Rights Watch released a 44-page guide detailing repression and discrimination in Russia, targeted at the thousands of journalists expected to arrive in the country for the tournament. While individual matches such as the United States and Iran’s face-off in 1998 were political lightning rods in their time, the host country has not faced such heated criticism perhaps since the 1978 World Cup in Argentina, held just two years after a right-wing military coup backed by the United States.